This is a relaxed and highly readable, chronological account of Day-Lewis’s life story. It not only provides an introduction to each of his books of poetry, placing them in their context both historically and biographically, but also employs the poetry on many occasions to illuminate Day-Lewis’s choices, thoughts and feelings, demonstrating their intensely autobiographical nature. At the same time, it is relatively concise and accessible, so it is not intimidating and certainly not overly academic. It is an ideal companion to read alongside his Collected Poems.
It is especially strong in its exploration of the sexual relationships that were clearly so important to his personal life and his poetry, though I am not so sure that the women are portrayed in meaningful detail as distinct personalities, rather than in their subordinate roles as his partners.
Day-Lewis was greatly influenced by other poets; his university associates are certainly discussed in some detail, but beyond that period I feel the coverage of these associations is very limited indeed. To take only a single example, while discussing Day-Lewis’s production of an autobiography, we read “Day Lewis’s friend, the Irish poet Patrick Kavanagh, was more vocal about his disappointment with the book. ‘Ah Cecil,’ he said, ‘you should have torn your heart out and left it bleeding on the page.’ “ [p276] How can such an interesting and seemingly provocative friendship fail to merit a decent paragraph of description? What a powerful and certainly very sharp observation about Day-Lewis’s personality. His mother died in his infancy, his father brought him up in rather an awkward way, he was a boarder at a public school, he was serially unfaithful to his partners and he struggled at first as a parent, hindered rather than helped by the “expert” advice of the times – it is just so obvious to my mind that the emotional consequences of this personal history must be hugely relevant to his writing; I do not think Stanford makes best use of this material, which surely sheds light on the limitations of his earlier writing and the nature of his later development. Kavanagh, of course, famously exploited to the full his own emotional history as material for his writing, and in this quote he goes straight to the heart of the matter; we are left to imagine how such an exchange came about and how Day-Lewis reacted; it is fascinating to imagine how two such different characters must have interacted.
It makes sense to read this book alongside the Complete Poems of C. Day Lewis. To be honest, I reached a point where I decided to stick with the biography to the end, before returning to pick up the poems, of which there are a great many. The earlier poetry is frequently very dense and unsatisfactory, for reasons that I think are illuminated by the biography, and indeed it is often the case that reading any poetry collection in its order of writing condemns the reader to a tough slog before reaching the more mature and successful material. Hopefully, though, I can now look forward to growing delight as I proceed to his later poetry.
Some quotesIn June of 1925 [Day-Lewis] used £12 out of a legacy that had come his way from a distant relative to persuade the same house to publish his first colume of poetry, Beechen Vigil... The 24 short poems show Day-Lewis’s work at this stage firmly in the Georgian style that dominated British poetry through the 1910s and early 1920s. It had emerged as a label when Rupert Brooke, just down from Cambridge, and Edward Marsh, a civil servant and amateur enthusiast for the arts, decided in 1911 to work together on a collection of modern poems to stir up public interest and alert the world to some exciting new poets. They were reacting in part against what they saw as Victorian stuffiness and romantic sentimentality in verse. ... There was no single outstanding figure among the Georgians. It could hardly be counted as an organized movement save that its main momentum was provided by the regular anthology of new writings which appeared in the years that followed. ... The First World War looed large as a shared theme, typically in lyrical evocations of beauty and nature as a reaction against the brutality and epic loss of life of the conflict. Included under its banner – though they would each have rejected the categorization of Goergian – were W.B. Yeats, Robert Graves and D.H. Lawrence. Georgian poetry was often defined by what was excluded. Thomas Hardy and A.E. Houseman were left out because they were too old to be considered new. Even Masefled was used sparingly on the grounds that he had already developed a reputation. Robert Frost and Ezra Pound – both initially signed up for inclusion in the first volume – were excluded because they were not British. T.S.Eliot also fell at the same obstacle, though the Modernism of the Waste Land, published in 1922, was to mark the end of the Georgian ascendancy. Of the 36 poets who appeared, none, with the possible exception of Lawrence, could be called Modernist. Among the most regular names were Walter de la Mare, Edward Thomas, Andrew Young, Siegfried Sassoon and Edmund Blunden. ... The Georgians... continued to attract a large following until the end of the 1920s, when their label had become almost a term of abuse. They were Day-Lewis’s point of departure as a published poet. He mixed their distinguishing features with a heavy dose of the language and romantic lushness of Yeats’s Celtic twilight. [pp56,7]
What gave Auden’s passion for poetry a particular identity was the overt connection he encouraged those around him to make between it and the political, economic and social situation of Britain at the time. As young undergraduates they were watching the post-war hedonism of Acton’s Oxford fading away. The decisive blow had been the General Strike of 1926 when they and many like them were roused from student introspection to take sides in what became for the country one of the defining battles of the decade. Both Day-Lewis and Auden had worked during the strike for the TUC... and had been disappointed by the collapse of the workers’ resistence to their employers and the Conservative government. Their involvement left its mark. [p69]
...Day-Lewis is transcending personal experiences and taking responsibility onto his own shoulders for the privations of the poor. There is a strong element of guilt in much of his output in this period at his comforts while witnessing others’ poverty – stronger that one sees, for example, in Auden at the time. What is clear and consistent, though, is his call for good men with new solutions to stand up and be counted... The hint of religious fervour and tendency to preach, learnt in childhood, reapplied to political ends, was a shared feature of Day-Lewis, Warner, MacNeice, all of whom had rejected the faith of their clergyman fathers and were seeking a creed to replace it. [pp101,2]
What gives the best of the period’s poetry its unmistakeable quality seems to be the way in which feelings of private and communal insecurity are fused together, so that the personal lyrical anguish informs the political statement. [p102]
‘The collection,’ he wrote, ‘expressed simply my thoughts and feelings during the nine months before the birth of my first child; the critics, almost to a man, took it for political allegory; the simple, personal meaning evaded them.’ [p104]
Six months later he wrote of his work in progress to Rex Warner ... ‘It’s all very well to say that one writes because one wants to make something, but it’s not as simple as that: when you have made a chair somebody can sit in it - & who is going to sit down on a piece of poetry in 1932 – a few bloody juveniles in Bloomsbury – they’d be better sitting on the floor.’ [p125]
The poet and critic, Al Alvarez, described Grigson as ‘mean-minded, malicious and not a very good poet.’ He added: ‘As Robert Frost once remarked, the trouble with poetry is that there is no money in it. It is all about reputation. And that can make people involved in it vicious and backbiting.’ [p134]
In years to come Noah and the Waters was the one piece of work from the 1930s that he tried hardest to forget... In 1936, its failure highlighted the gap that existed between reality and his wish to join the proletariat in a revolution that would transform their lives ... The review which stuck in his mind, however, was by Edwin Muir in the Spectator ... he was politically to the left and had previously expressed his admiration for Day-Lewis, Spender and their colleagues. However, he wrote in March 1936, Day Lewis, while ‘a man of talent’, had allowed in his new ‘Marxian’ work his gift for verse to ‘deteriorate. And ‘become facile and careless.’ His political attachments and his revolutionary aspirations were, Muir suggested, in danger of destroying Day-Lewis as a poet. ‘The choice was,’ Day-Lewis wrote after reading Muir’s verdict, ‘[between] being an amateurish political worker or trying to make myself a better poet.’ [pp 146,7]
Yet peace and contentment are not usually the subjects of memorable poetry. Instead Day-Lewis was drawn in this mature period to the everyday, whether witnessed or remembered. There remains in his poetry the essential lyricism that ahd been there from the start but, without the impetus of trauma in his life, it took on a more sober, occasionally dry and ironic, often detached tone. ... The influence of hardy was still central, though Poems 1943-1947 may be judged to have marked its high point. Indeed, influence can be a misleading word for it suggests that Day-Lewis was simply imitating a poet he had so admired from undergraduate days. Another way of seeing it was that, like Hardy, Day-Lewis was one of the heirs to an English tradition that sretched back to William Wordsworth and beyond of writing of the ordinary, commonplace things and investing them with a sense of wonder. ... Within such a tradition, Day-Lewis grew more assured and even experimental, for example shaping dialogue into verse. He became markedly less reactive to the poetic fashions of the moment in his writing, if not in his publishing career, even to the point of seeming old-fashioned. [p246]
In the Autumn of 1852 Day Lewis had returned ... to see works of art in Florence. He describes these in part five. As the artists involved had been inspired by others, he, as a poet, was acknowledging his own debts. Each was clearly acknowledged with initials at the start of the poem. There is Luca Della Robbia’s ‘Singing Children’ in the manner of Thomas Hardy, Donatello’s Judith and Holofernes’ (W.B.Yeats), Leonardo’s ‘Annunciation’ (Robert Frost), Piero di Cosimo’s ‘Perseus Rescuing Andromeda’ (W.H.Auden) and Verrocchio’s ‘Boy with Dolphin’ (Dylan Thomas). ... All critics were impressed by Day-Lewis’s skill in adopting with with but not malice his colleague’s voices but some went on to ask was Day-Lewis also revealing how imitative he was, how devoid of his own voice. ‘There should be no need to insist on Mr Day-Lewis’s technical accomplishment, his friend Raymond Mortimer wrote in a long review in the Sunday Times, it is so conspicuous... History shows that in Europe men have continually felt impelled to innovate in all the arts. Once in a way and individual artist refuses to march with the times, because the methods do not suit his genius.’ Mortimer’s view that Day-Lewis was not an innovator seemed to be confirmed by his detailing at some length what he saw as the influence of Robert Browning on An Italian visit. He concluded: ‘a good artist may be defined as a man who puts to good use the inventions made by other good artists.’ [p256]
The charge that he lacked his own voide because he was so drawn to the voices of others was one that Day-Lewis had already tackled in the preface to the Penguin Poets selection. There he had written: ‘If, like myself, he [ the poet] is a writer still more open to the influence of other poets, he will often find that he has more or less consciously used some other poet to mediate between his material and his imagination.’ Freely acknowledging his influences – listed as Yeats, Frost, Auden and Hardy, all featured in part five of An Italian Visit – Day-Lewis went on: ‘they suggested to me ways of saying what I had to say. Any poem thus influenced in not secondhand. I think it si possible that a reader with a sensitive ear, a dispassionate point of view and a thorough knowledge of the poetry of hardy, say, would find as much difference as similarity between a poem of mine, influenced by him, and one of Hardy’s own.’ [p257]
Music was another of the enthusiasms he shared with Balcon. Her first present to him had been a recording of Verdi’s Requiem, 20 sides of 78s which they had to take round to Elizabeth Jane Howard’s house to play because they did not have a gramophone. In the Summer of 1954 ... [pp267,8]
The extensive use of classical references in Pegasus highlighted the gap that was opening up between Day-Lewis’s poetic interests and those of a new generation of young poets emerging in the 1950s. The Movement poets, a term coined by J.D. Scott, the editor of the Spectator, to link Philip Larkin, Kingsley Amis, E.J. Enright, Robert Conquest, Donald Davie and Thom Gunn, were joined by, among other things, their dislike of classical allusions and anything too self-consciously poetic. They preferred plain, straightforward and often sardonic language and regarded the Day-Lewis / Auden / Spender generation with ‘derision’ as Davie wrote in ‘Remembering the Thirties.’ [pp271,2]
The round table where Day-Lewis wrote was usually neat and orderly. On it stood a sculpture of a nymph in printers’ lead ... which had been a present from Balcon. He kept a small book in which he would jot down phrases and words that had made an impact on him. His poems were written, amended and rewritten in longhand, sometimes in pencil, in cheap notebooks, often competing for space alongside parts of the latest Nicholas Blake he was working on. [pp273,4]
Stephen Spender liked to claim that Day-Lewis would kill off women he had once been in love with in his Nicholas Blake thrillers. Mary and Jane look alikes had already been murdered and, in The Deadly Joker in 1963, there is a hint of Hosain in the character of Vera Paston, chatelaine of the local big house who meets a brutal end. [p288]
In his lecture on ‘The Golden Bridle’ (after the restraint Bellerophon tried to place on Pegasus), Day-Lewis [told his audience] ‘Paul Valéry wrote somewhere... “Why do I use strict form? To prevent the poem from saying everything.” That is an extremely profound remark. A poetic form provides the poet with a system of checks and balances external to memories, thoughts and images, which an incipient poem catches and which – if not controlled – can run away with it. The form is a discipline which helps to select from an incoherent mass of material those data that are relevant to the poem’s still undecided purpose. But the form is not always merely selective and disciplinary: many poets have observed in their own work, as Valéry did, that the need for a rhyme in a certain place, or the exigency of a metre, has thrown up a revealing phrase, a creative idea, which might well not have come into existence without the prompting of a formal agency. Form, in a word, not only restrains but stimulates.’ ... He was all in favour, he said, of ‘innovative language’, ‘violent juxtapositions’ and ‘deliberate discords’ to achieve greater ‘complexity, intellectual toughness and irony’ – all aspirations of the poetry he had written while working closely with Auden and Spender – but he rejected the breaking of form in poems advocated by Modernism as potentially alienating readers. ... ‘We are so inured nowadays to accepting poetry as an art for the minority that it is difficult to put ourselves in the minds of people who knew it as a popular art.’ [p290]